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keywords: description:These are exercises in political thought as it arises out of the actuality of political incidents Since these exercises move between past and future, they contain criticism as well as experiment Hannah Arendt Between Past and Future Preface 14
Outbreak of Unreason: Abu Ghraib and the Torture MemosThe reasoning of human rights used to justify war on Iraq came into starkest relief when the American public glimpsed for the first time another set of reasons: the cause was involuntary on the part of the Bush administration for they only surfaced from memos which leaked in April, 2004. These were the eponymous torture memos which included from the Office of Legal Counsel a memo of August 1, 2002 written by Jay Bybee, which approved of treatment of detainees held by the CIA such as the treatment later named waterboarding. The memos stung many, including Senator of Vermont, Patrick Leahy. As he repeated during the 2010 hearing before the Judiciary committee, Chairman Leahy was particularly upset with the Bush administration for having withheld such documents from the Senate. Presumably, the Senate had requested all pertinent information regarding Bybee. As implied by Chairman Leahy, the Senate was acting without full knowledge, having no access to these memos, when it unknowingly went on to confirm Bybee to a lifetime term as a Federal Judge in the ninth district court. The United States public was made aware of the prison Abu Ghraib in Iraq, and its prisoners April 27, 2004. But that public did not entertain on their televisions the interviews given to Arab media by President Bush. Instead, that public heard from him in May, June, July, August and September into October a daily refrain. Bush was running for a second term in office and under scrutiny for his conduct as Commander and Chief, repeating a line from the State of the Union address he gave in 2003. International human rights groups have cataloged other methods used in the torture chambers of Iraq: electric shock, burning with hot irons, dripping acid on the skin, mutilation with electric drills, cutting out tongues, and rape. If this is not evil, then evil has no meaning. Moreover, he echoed this defense of ongoing war, stating in the State of the Union address of 2004: Iraq's torture chambers would still be filled with victims, terrified and innocent.As stated above, revelations of treatment at Abu Ghraib did not prevent Bush from campaigning as torture abolitionist. With his primary justification for war in 2004 being the phrases repeated since the years before: In 2002: wives and mothers of political opponents have been systematically raped as a method of intimidation, and political prisoners have been forced to watch their own children being tortured. In 2003:Who can possibly think that the world would be better off with Saddam Hussein still in power? Surely not the dissidents who would be in his prisons or end up in his mass graves. Surely not the men and women who would fill Saddam's torture chamber or rape rooms. Ten years since, citizens may still find occasion to assess the Presidents claim in June 2004 that Freedom from torture is an inalienable right. Disagreement has surfaced whether it is necessary to set up a truth and reconciliation committee. Questions left unanswered are whether the United States has not retained the right to torture. This week, 22-25 April 2013, Khalid Sheik Mohammed will be tried at a military tribunal in Guantanamo rather than at a Federal court in the U.S.; this confirms doubt of the extent to which the President will implement Supreme court decisions Rasul v. Bush, Obed v. Bush, Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, Hamdan v. Rumsfeld, Boumediene v. Obama. The executive order to close GITMO within a year proved to be a political gains, yet like Bush beforehand, President Obama claims the difficulties of transferring detainees are too great. Hunger strikes by the detainees have raised the question whether indefinite detention has caused anguish on the order of torture. Another disagreement about torture is the way the international community ought to respond. President Obama has moved international opinion on whether torture by a regime warrants sanctions. The proposal for sanctions made by Human Rights Watch to the United Nations Security Council came in March 2011. In response, the President issued an Executive order April 29, 2011 expanding the scope of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act and the National Emergencies Act. Then in a letter to the Congress the President makes the affirmation that the Syrian governments use of torture is one reason that warrants sanctions. He makes this case in a series of statements through the summer and presents this argument in September to the UN General Assembly. As we meet here today, men and women and children are being tortured, detained, and murdered by the Syrian regime. Having drawn out the ominous parallel we can propose greater scrutiny to the purpose for which anti-torture rhetoric has re-surfaced.However often President Bush insisted on torture, we cannot take seriously the notion that torture was a cause for the war. One thing there cant be skepticism about...Dictators in Iraq and Syria promised the restoration of national honor, a return to ancient glories. They've left instead a legacy of torture, oppression, misery, and ruin. --President of the U.S.Last year, the U.N. Commission on Human Rights found that Iraq continues to commit extremely grave violations of human rights and that the regime's repression is all-pervasive. Tens of thousands of political opponents and ordinary citizens have been subjected to arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, summary execution, and torture by beating and burning, electric shock, starvation, mutilation, and rape. Wives are tortured in front of their husbands, children in the presence of their parents, and all of these horrors concealed from the world by the apparatus of a totalitarian state. --George W. Bush: "Address to the United Nations General Assembly in New York City," September 12, 2002. One of the classic premises of International Relations is that the foreign policy of governments often aims to unite the citizens, otherwise in domestic turmoil (grief too, in the case of 9-11). Generally, terrorism attacks take an economic toll, as Fernanda Llussa and Jose Tavares (2011) have depicted below according to type of terrorist attack: Fig. 1. Types of terrorism and aggregate costs-fixed effects estimates.Existential Economic Rationale The motive of this section is to find what Fr. David Hollenbach wrote of in the context of a discussion of pluralism, advocating for a virtue of intellectual solidarity. One may infer from my initial use of the letter by al Hasan Moqbel a breach of the nation-sympathy-contract. The problem is to create a consensus of sympathy--or shared regard--that might genuinely bear the reality of suffering together. Case Study: EgyptTorture, to be sure, was not a cause of the revolution, but rather one of the catalysts which precipitated the long list of Egyptian grievances (poverty, corruption, inequality, restriction of liberties, and police brutality) by bringing the confrontation with the regime onto an almost existential level, where the tortured body made public epitomised an ultimate form of negation of life. Thus, Luca Mavelli attributes the cause of the 2011 revolution to the shared political imagination created when a multiplier effect generated by the blogosphere transformed an image of a victim killed by police brutality into an icon of resistance. 80,000 viewers revived a nameless victim, and the face of Khaled Said became to Egyptians a son, brother and friend. The recognition of his tortured body in this way configured a political symbol for what the people suffered in oppression. Mavelli accounts for the systematic use of torture under the regime of Mubarak with a an eye to the critical socio-economic factors the country faced:: 40 percent earning under $2.00 a day in absolute poverty, illiteracy rates reaching 30 percent, even as 90 percent of the population were youths. Prisons quadrupled in size, while numbers held without charge for more than a year surpassed 20,000.
Measuring the Response to TerrorWhat can be seen by economic measurement is to be understood as c conscience argued for above. William Cavanaugh helps us to understand the concrete and contextual ecclesial dimension of the real body of Christ. By helping us to see the real body of Christ economic analysis performs the role of conscience to inflict realization of remorse. The task of theologian is to find the C conscience of a true encounter with the risen Lord. For this we are summoned, first, by the immediacy of our neighbor conjoined to ourselves in conflict with the enemy. The assembly configures the response to terror in their everyday lives especially, therefore, as a survival. For existence is at hand in order to love. Economic analysis of impact from 9-11 found quantitative expression for the felt-knowledge of discipline they experienced from al-Qaida. The total physical capital loss was estimated to be $21.6 billion and the lifetime earnings loss was estimated to be $7.8 billion, yielding a total estimated loss of $29.4 billion ($2001). (Bram, Haughwout Orr, 2009). It is worth remembering that in 2002 and in 2009 financial markets were in crises. The crises was not more than short term setback for the wealthiest as they grew wealthier during the decade, but the overall picture for the poor worsened in the United States. Population grew from 143,882 million in 2000 to 157,244 million in 2010 with projections 163,538 million in 2015, Meanwhile more people reduced their oil consumption as in 2010 energy use slowed to proportion levels of 1968 that is, down to 7,224.8 from 8,056.8 kg oil per capita in 2000. Comparing U.S. civilian employment levels of 2000 and 2010 it fell from 71.9 percent to 63.9 percent for men and from 57.5 percent to 53.6 percent for women. Comparing the years 2000 and 2011, the number of families of all races below the poverty line rose from 6,400,000 to 9,497,000 including an increase of about 700 million black families. As 5 million more families lived in poverty, unemployment levels of 9.3 percent in 2009 reduced to 8.1 percent in 2012. 46 million people per month received nutrition assistance during 2012 for a total of 74 billion dollars in annual benefits. For example in Massachusetts 86.638 percent of all eligible people were receiving these benefits and 66.414 percent of working poor received them. These benefits generated less than 25 percent of the sales at farmers markets linked. Meanwhile the net stock of Federal Defense assets in current dollars increased comparing the years 2000 to 2010 from 0.704 trillion to 1.307 trillion. While military expenditures nearly doubled, so did the total U.S. Official Development Assistance (ODA) which rose from 7,404.2 million dollars in 2000 to 18,901.15 million dollars in 2007. From 2007-2009 U.S. ODA donations were on average 58.54 million dollars for climate change mitigation. This increased to 636 million in 2010! Not so dramatic, but also a clear indication, during the same period U.S. donations for biodiversity averaged 209.80 millions and jumped to 255 millions in 2010. For 2011, U.S. ODA reached 30.75 billion dollars. For 2008 Iraq received 3,246 millions dollars and Afghanistan received 1,816 million dollars from the U.S.. For 2011 Afghanistan received 2,991 millions dollars and Iraq 1,985 millions dollars. Total Global ODA increased from 80 billion dollars in 2000 to 129 billion dollars in 2010, though it fell short from donor pledges by 19 billion dollars . 30 billion dollars is pledged under the Copenhagen Accord including 7.5 billion from the U.S. to help developing countries adapt to and mitigate climate change.The Presidents each made a similar use of a rhetoric of torture to avert attention from this turmoil. In doing so they also emulated the author of the Constitution. According to military historian Major W.W. Harney, USMC economic depression preceded the War of 1812. President Madison was facing desultory results of an ill-designed Embargo, and summoned the U.S. to war. He found most useful in making propaganda the fact that a relatively inconsequential raid by the Shawnee Tecumseh was made possible by ammunition trade with the British. Beating the war drums for what would be called the second war of independence, James Madison condemned the unscrupulous King, who against the feelings sacred to humanity gave license to ruthless acts--carnage and torture----and, claiming moral superiority, in the face of our example. Prior to war in Iraq, among the given reasons in support of just cause, Bush cited torture. He often slipped into ad hominem: referring to Saddam Hussein's torture when repeatedly pointed out how Saddams regime carried out torture. Or perhaps the President made no mistake. A year after signing the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002, he said:I watched the videos of the Mukhabarat, the intelligence services, interrogate, torture, abuse, and execute people day after day. I watched them tie grenades to the necks of people or stuff grenades in the pockets of people as they interviewed them and then detonate those grenades and watch the people disappear. I watched a video of Saddam sitting in an office and allowing two Doberman Pinschers to eat alive a general, a military general because he did not trust his loyalty.The torture issue helped him sidestepping questions of counter-intelligence, We care deeply about those who dissent and then are tortured, about those who express an opinion other than what the dictator thinks and are raped and mutilated. The condition of the Iraqi citizen is on our mind and in our hearts. The torture issue, helped him out of questions about the economy. Interviewed after the meeting of the National Economic Council he put focus on Saddam: He tortures people. He brutalizes them. He could care less about human condition inside of Iraq. The move was similar in his address to leaders of Enterprise: Today [Iraqis] live in scarcity and fear under a dictator who has brought them nothing but war and misery and torture. In a news conference March 6th he said, Anything they choose will be better than the misery and torture and murder they have known under Saddam Hussein. ...He tortures his own people. ...This is a society, Ron, whowhich has been decimated by his murderous ways, his torture. On the radio March 15th he repeated the claim about human rights groups from the State of the Union Address, We know from human rights groups that dissidents in Iraq are tortured, imprisoned, and sometimes just disappear; their hands, feet, and tongues are cut off; their eyes are gouged out; and female relatives are raped in their presence. Then March 17th, War is to the rescue, he claims, as a forty-eight hour ultimatum is announced:: ...[N]o more torture chambers and rape rooms. The tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is near. Does Bush feel guilt? --No, this is about deposing Saddam: a Villain, a Tyrant, ...somebody who has stayed in power through mutilation and rape and torture. A year later, no confirming evidence of weapons of mass destruction was a major blow to support for the war. Even warhawks had fatigue, if not skepticism. To which President Bush replied:I think there's going to be skepticism until people find out there was, in fact, a weapons of mass destruction program. One thing there can't be skepticism about is the fact that this guy was torturous and brutal on the Iraqi people. I mean, he brutalized them; he tortured them; he destroyed them; he cut out their tongues when they dissented.With irony, the rhetoric of torture has a long history, for barbarians we are not. As a principle established by General George Washington, when he prohibited the torture of captives because it would bring, in his words, "shame, disgrace and ruin" to our nation. Washington was not in isolation with this stance.No comments: Tuesday, December 18, 2012 The dissatisfaction with reasoning
[B]elief is more like a craftwork than aprocess of reasoningMadeline BuntingFirst,Ms. Bunting strikes a feminist chord with the passage belief is more like acraftwork than a process of reasoning. Like Margaret Atwood, author of The Penelopiad (2005), she reconvenesbelief within a woman centered worldview, gendering the notion of belief ascraftwork. Consider the tale of the Odyssey and the absence of Odysseus fromPenelopes life: was her craftwork the evidence of her wit? If she succeeded inprolonging the advances of her suitors, so also belief prolongs, from thistheological-anthropological view, a mode of fidelity in relationship, and itenacts an expression that communicates commitment in the midst of competingvalues.a.Primordial faithSecond,the metaphor of craftwork indicates the central dissatisfactions of what DermotLane calls healthy secularization. The metaphor indicates a resistance topropositional reasoning and the misgivings that have come with the decent ofclassical culture and prevailing winds, the flattening sense of history held inmainstream culture, the needs forverified truth, the legitimacy given to the appeal to experiencehowever, allthis has produced a healthy secularization (Lane 2003, 74). Craftwork is heldin the Catholic Worker tradition as a mode of resistance to industrial eranotions of machinery that have led to the commodification of time, and withcapitalism, the exploitation of people. To invoke craftwork for belief, cantherefore influence what Ormond Rush has called hermeneutical reception (Rush2009, 74). That is, the wording allows for an alternative interpretation of themeaning of belief. It is only effective because of the existence of what Rahnerhas called the supernatural existential, or what Lane calls primordial faith.He defines this as an attitude of trust and confidence and acceptance that isbrought to bear on the value and worthwhileness of human existence (Lane 2003,76). The attitude of dissatisfaction with reasoning is also described byWilliam James:your whole subconscious life, your impulses, yourfaiths, your needs, your devotions, have prepared the premises, of which yourconsciousness now feels the weight of the result; and something in youabsolutely knows that result must be truer than any logic-copping rationalistictalk, however clever, that may contradict it (Brown 2004, 30).InLanes terms the subconscious is brought to bear on the meaning of existence.Just as important, the impulse of subconscious can contradict reason howeverclever. For her part, Ms. Bunting has contrasted the process of reasoning withcraftwork to show that belief has bearing on human lives. The use of craftworkimplicitly critiques the polarization of womens lives from mens lives and thefalse dichotomy wherefore womens lives included craftwork at home, whilerational men performed in public, as Odysseus did as war strategist while hisdevotion, Penelope, remained a domesticthe pair of his consciousness, thushis sub-consciousness. The reception of belief by women must be empowering ofthe worthwhileness of [particularly their] existence insofar as itacknowledges the surfeit of possibility in women that has for centuries beenlost while belief defined as the process of reason categorically relegatedwomen to secondary human existence.b.YearningMs.Bunting is no exception in marking out belief in contrast to the process ofreasoning. St. Augustine spoke of being impelled to belief: without bodilyforce, he is drawn by a chain of his heart (Confessions Book 10, chapter 27).St. Aquinas pointed to an instinct of the heart (in affection) as how God drew one to belief (Lane 2003, 90).Likewise, Blaise Pascal distinguished from reason the reasons of the heart(OCollins 171). We certainly find belief represented biblically as attraction:Jesus stayed out in the country; and people came to him from every quarter(Mk 1:45). This attraction is a response to the special revelation of theuniversal saving will of God in Christ Lane writes, and the effect is like amagnet drawing pieces of iron unto itself (Lane 2003, 91). Thus, we come tobelief, drawn by gentle force, as those who chose to visit with Jesus in thecountryside to learn his teaching. Jesus is the Word of God, the revelationthat elicits faith (OCollins 2011, 180). Like those who walked with Jesus wecome to belief through the wisdom which gently draws the human which leadsit through visible realities to those which are invisible (Gaudium et Spes n.15). Finally, beliefis itself a compelling conclusion writes Gerard OCollins, because in thesame way we gradually came to know and love, then commit to a spouse, marriagegives further grounds to believe in that person (OCollins 2011, 177). In otherwords, belief is not what one arrives at through an abstract,evidence-gathering procedure, but basically a personal engagement of the heart.c.Religious beliefThenature of craftwork raises a further vector of thought, namely, that it divestsus of the pretentions of pure reason. In this case, belief tends in thedirection of lived reality and the contention that we are called to a realdefinitiveness (Rahner and Weger 1981, 9). If craftwork means something, atleast it connotes a humble work of beauty. Similarly, definitiveness means toact our choice where others can see it; if the world is a stage let the beliefbe known in the full glare of the lights (Rahner and Weger 1981, 16). Thischoice belies a contrast to primordial faith, what Dermot Lane distinguishes asreligious faith. The definite religion is not a set of propositions but amedley, what John Henry Newman said of religion: it is a rite, a creed, aphilosophy, a rule of duty, all at once (Brown 2004, 17). In this sense,belief is a craftwork to stitch together the meaning of our lives and somethingmade not to linger in the mind but to be put forth before God and neighbor.No comments: The so-called undogmatic Christianity
An undogmaticChristianity, one without the mediation of the church, would be achimera-International Theological CommissionWhilepossible that the Spanish film director Luis Buñuel could have made a bilious charactersay such an expression in his film Nazarin,it seems obvious that many have experience of a kind of Catholicism hewndeep in culture which, in secular reflex, has made faith rarified. Rahner hasacknowledged this and therefore harkened the magisterium to attend the actualfaith of the people thereby discovering ways in which official teaching is alreadyinfluenced from below (Rahner 1991, 172). In our view, what the ITC denouncesas monstrous can be more properly understood as a confusion. At least fourinterpretations follow that indicate possible confusions one could haveregarding church doctrine. Two deal with confusion about authority and two withconfusion how doctrine mediates Jesus Christ. First, the proponent of anundogmatic Christianity is likely to hold that doctrine interferes with theindividual. For instance, conflict might mistakenly be assumed between theauthority of conscience and authority of the magisterium. An offshoot of thisis the concern of Latino theologian Orlando Espin that popular religion isdismissed as suspicion, undogmatic when in fact it exists in reflection ofthe culturally mediated character of all religious reception (Gaillardetz2002, 107). Second, one with this view can suggest antipathy toward theteaching of the church and overlook the varying levels of authority held bydifferent doctrine (Lennan 2004, 161). The flattening of such authority couldbe more properly understood as a way to name the center-periphery strategyoften used blatantly unidirectionally (Gaillardetz 2002, 106). Third, apartfrom confusion with authority, is doctrine discontinuous with the historicalJesus or somehow divorced from the Gospels? The question could arise from aperceived dissonance from the Jesus Christ a believer knows and the onemediated in the church (Lennan 2004, 160). Fourth, more basically, anundogmatic Christianity would seem the project of someone convinced that doctrineitself fails to do its job. When it should aid the believer to know JesusChrist and apprehend Gods will, it does just the opposite; for instance,through fault of language. Instead of elucidating the Truth of faith, thelanguage obscures it with arcana and bigotry (Lennan 2004, 160). Taken togetherthe preoccupations express a deeply held desire that faith be reasonable. Lackingin love, then indeed we might fear; still, we see Karl Rahner is right that theSpirit blesses the Church with unrest, fomenting opposition toward the forcesof fossilization (Lennan 2004, 171). This desire is far from monstrous; thoughwild, it might even be tamed and led to see that a dogmatic Christianity isreasonable to support. Richard Gaillardetz has proposed a place for internalcritique in the church, providing a model that giving a fresh remembrance tothe place of consensus fidelium(Gaillardetz 2002, 110). Participants can come into the church with dignitywhen shown that their end of consensus is vital (Gaillardetz 2002, 106). Pope Benedict XVI warns in the Regensburgaddress what we might call the thrust behind undogmatic Christianity is acollapsed notion of reason which has intended to deHellenize Christianity for the sake of the so-called simplemessage of the New Testament. [I]s the conviction that acting unreasonablycontradicts Gods nature merely a Greek idea, or is it always an intrinsicallytrue? (Benedict XVI, Regensburg address,3). With this inquiry, he confronts those who trumpet the primacy of consciencein a Kantian fashion where it is made into the internal magistrate of the good.This is the fallacy indicated by Timothy Radcliff, speaking of the intoleranceof those who believe that their words say it all (Radcliffe 1996, 47). Purchasedby the claim of a so-called autonomous reason the subject is decidedly cutoff from the community. Imaginatively, what might this mean? Robert L. Wilkenhas depicted as a map what such reason rejects: The Churchs way of speakingis a map of the experience of those who have known God (Wilken 2006, 95).Johann Baptist Metz identified the perilous direction of a society wanderingoff alone, into an oblivion of self-understanding that will not cope anothergeneration, i.e. in a future devoid of history and memory. To the credit ofthose who would dehistoricize salvation history, society suffersone-dimensionality, a washed out ruling consciousness blank from the hopes aswell as the terrors experienced in the past (Metz 2007, 182-83). We mighttherefore face a future where the atomic individualism of today has become aplace of zero self-sacrifice, thus lacking Matthew 25, lacking what Rahnerdescribes as the everyday interpersonal life established between love of Godand love of neighbor (Rahner 1978, 456). In sum, without an interpersonalreason that sees God as the horizon, for whom is one self-realized? Toameliorate such peril, Benedict XVI promotes courage to engage the wholebreadth of reason (4-5). Such is the advantage of the Pope, presumed byCatholics to speak with authority on matters of faith and morals by means ofinheriting the chair of St. Peter, and acting as the vicar of Christ, thusgranted a supreme horizon on the whole breadth of reason. Ormond Rush adds acautionary tale to the responsibilities of those who bear the teaching office.For instance, though not exhaustively limited to this one responsibility, thePope is constrained in the exercise of reason to safeguard and preserve the depositof faith by making official judgments regarding its interpretations(Rush 2009,194).Not only for our good, but for future generations this task concerns thepreservation of the faith, linked universally with what Rahner describes in ATheology of Hope: the will to guardand preserve is the basic virtue of life (10, 258-59) It follows, since theteaching office is not limited exclusively to the Pope, theologians are exhorted to interpret the deposit of faith,for example to interpret dogma in the light of ongoing tradition (Sullivan1996, 115-16).No comments: Older PostsHomeSubscribe to:Posts (Atom)About MeView my complete profileBlog Archive 2014(1) January(1)The Rhetoric of Torture 2012(11) December(6) September(5) 2010(21) December(14) November(7)Followers
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