ANTHROPOLOGY FOR BEGINNERS

Web Name: ANTHROPOLOGY FOR BEGINNERS

WebSite: http://sumananthromaterials.blogspot.com

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ANTHROPOLOGY FOR BEGINNERS

Study materials on Anthropology

WHY THIS BLOG?
"The Anthropology for Beginners blog by Suman Nath is one of the most user/reader friendly sites relative to such an endeavor." - Global Oxford
"This blog contains lots of study materials on Anthropology and related topics" - University of Kassel
University of Houston includes Anthropology for beginners in their recommended reading list.

This is a humble endeavour to collect study materials on anthropology and then share it with interested others.
How to use:1. One can see materials by clicking "Blog Archives" which is arranged chronologically. 2. Or can search in the search box provided by using key words.
I have not tried to be exhaustive, but its just elementary materials which will help newcomers to build up their materials better. Because of the rising number of requests from people across the world, Anthropology for beginners has started a youtube channel. Those who are willing to have some explanations to the materials available in this blog can subscribe to this link: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC_cq5vZOzI9aDstQEkru_MQ/videos
Watch the introductory video to get an overview of the youtube channel: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RY9DOnD0UxoYou can write me about the posts. Feel free to write me at sumananthro1@gmail.comBest, Suman
Monday, 27 September 2021 Application of Archaeological Anthropology and Cultural Resources ManagementApplication ofArchaeology

Archaeologyis the study of human past through material remains. archaeologists study past humansand societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, tools,and other artifacts that constitute what is known as the material culture leftover from former societies. Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity outin the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory.

Nevertheless,one of the most challenging tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how tointerpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why aresome dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology andethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developedethnoarchaeology, where like ethnographers they live among contemporary communities,but with the specific purpose of understanding how such societies use materialculture how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlementswhere they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play inthe field of conservation. Heritage studies constitute a developing field,where it is realized that the worlds cultural heritage is a diminishingresource, and one which holds different meanings for different people. Thepresentation of the findings of archaeology to the public cannot avoid difficultpolitical issues, and the museum curator and the popularizer today haveresponsibilities which some can be seen to have failed.

Some ofthe major areas of application of archaeological knowledge are as follows:



Cultural ResourceManagement:

The economicgrowth in 1960s in Turley led to the construction of roads and buildings, whichthreatened and destroyed many archaeological sites and led to a new emphasisonmanaging the cultural heritage (Cultural Resource Management, or CRM), eitherby preservation, or by recording and excavation prior to destruction.

Culturalresource management (CRM) is the theory and practice of managing, preserving,and interpreting cultural resources within a social and legal context. Culturalresources refers to a wide variety of material and nonmaterial expressions ofhuman social groups and cultures in the environment. The category includesarchaeological remains, buildings and structures, landscapes and places, townsand neighborhoods, objects, historical documents, folk traditions, and otherthings associated with and valued by people.

Herethe role the role of the archaeologist is to locate and record sites beforethey are destroyed by new roads, buildings, or dams, or by peatcutting anddrainage in wetlands. In the USA a large number of sites are located and recordedin inventories every year under Cultural Resource Management (CRM) laws whichwere considerably broadened and strengthened in the 1970s. Proper liaison withthe developer should allow archaeological survey to take place in advance alongthe projected line of road or in the path of development. Important sites thusdiscovered may require excavation, and in some cases can even causeconstruction plans to be altered. Certain archaeological remainsunearthedduring the digging of subways in Rome and Mexico City were incorporated intothe station architecture. In Britain, as in the USA, most excavations andsurveys

areundertaken in the context of cultural resource management the influence ofthe British National Planning Policy Framework has meant that expenditure onarchaeology by developers has grown to c. 10 million ($15.4 million) annually.

Mostof the civilised nations now have numerous legislations regarding the preservationof national heritage and archaeologists are employed to assess apriori on a)whether the place where construction activities will be undertaken has certainarchaeological values or not, b) if it has then assessment of the nature of thesite, c) if needed the entire site can be preserved, or recorded and thenallowed the construction activities. Where as in countries like North Americait is important for construction workers to seek permission of thearchaeologists, as just been mentioned, in India the Archaeological Survey ofIndia has the authority to declare a place as heritage and acquire it forpreservation. Different state archaeology departments also actively engagethemselves in declaring certain archaeologically important artefact asheritage.

Cultural Heritage:

Inorder to understand the CRM and the need for it, we also need a clearer perceptionof the term cultural heritage. Cultural Heritage (national heritage orheritage) refers to the legacy of physical artifacts and intangibleattributes of a group or society that are inherited from past generations, maintainedin the present and bestowed for the benefit of future generations.

Heritagesare of two kinds, the physical object ranging from tiny beads to pyramids andnon-objects like knowledge, custom, oral traditions, performing arts, socialpractices, rituals, festive events, knowledge and practices concerning natureand the universe or the knowledge and skills to produce traditional crafts.

Tangible Cultural Heritage:

Alsoknown as Cultural property, the tangible cultural heritage includes thephysical, or "tangible" cultural products. These include anything,from tiny artefact to large monuments or artworks. They are either movable or immovableheritage. Immovable heritage includes building so (which themselves may includeinstalled art such as organs, stained glass windows, and frescos), largeindustrial installations, residential projects or other historic places andmonuments. Moveable heritage includes books, documents, moveable artworks,machines, clothing, and other artifacts, that are considered worthy ofpreservation for the future. These include objects significant to thearchaeology, architecture, science or technology of a specified culture. Clickhere for more details

Aspectsand disciplines of the preservation and conservation of tangible cultureinclude:

Museology

Archivalscience

Conservation(cultural heritage)

Artconservation

Archaeologicalconservation

Architecturalconservation

Filmpreservation

Phonographrecord preservation

Digitalpreservation

Intangible Cultural Heritage:

"Intangiblecultural heritage" consists of non-physical aspects of a particularculture, more often maintained by social customs during a specific period inhistory. The concept includes the ways and means of behavior in a society, andthe often formal rules for operating in a particular cultural climate. Theseinclude social values and traditions, customs and practices, aesthetic andspiritual beliefs, artistic expression, language and other aspects of humanactivity. The significance of physical artifacts can be interpreted as an actagainst the backdrop of socioeconomic, political, ethnic, religious andphilosophical values of a particular group of people. Naturally, intangiblecultural heritage is more difficult to preserve than physical objects. Click herefor more details

Aspectsof the preservation and conservation of cultural intangibles include:

folklore

oralhistory

languagepreservation

Furtherreading:

1.ColinRenfrew and Paul Bahn (2016) Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice. NewYork: Thames and Hudson

2.DeborahM.Pearsall (Ed.) (2008) Encyclopedia of Archaeology. California: Elsevier

No comments: Thursday, 22 July 2021 Kinship Theories: Descent, Alliance and Cultural

Youtube lecture on Kinship theories (Descent theory and Structuralism)

Youtube lecture on Kinship theories (Alliance theory and Cultural theory)

TYPES OF DESCENT AND KINSHIP



ROLES



THEORIES
DESCENT





ALLIANCE










CULTURAL








No comments: Tuesday, 1 June 2021 Spatial Turn in Urban Anthropology

Spatial turn in Urban Anthropology

Contents

Urban Space studies: 1

Contested Urban Space. 1

Racialized Space. 2

Landscapes of Fear: 2

Global, Transnational and Translocal Spaces. 2

The methodological andtheoretical use of spatiality within anthropology began with ethnographies thatexamined the relationship of architecture and culture. The concepts of spaceand place emerged in urban ethnographies through the collective work ofanthropologists who employed material space as a strategy for interrogating thecity (Bestor 2004; Cooper 1994; Holston 1989; Low 1999, 2000; Pellow 1996;Rotenberg and McDonogh 1993). Their work was directly influenced by Frenchsocial theorists who theorized space in terms of the power dynamics of spatialrelations and the meaning of everyday places and practices.

Drawing upon Foucault (1977),Paul Rabinow (1989) was one of the first anthropologists to link the growth ofmodern forms of political power with the evolution of aesthetic theories, andto analyze how French colonists in North Africa exploited architectural andurban planning principles to reflect their cultural superiority. James Holston(1989) also examined the state-sponsored architecture and master planning ofBrasilia as a new form of spatial domination through which daily life becamethe target for state intervention.

Lefebvres (1991) well-knownargument that space is never transparent, but must be queried through an analysisof spatial representations, spatial practices, and spaces of representationalso became the basis of many anthropologicalanalyses. Nancy Munn (1996), and Stuart Rockefeller (2010) draw upon Lefebvre to link conceptual space to thetangible by arguing that social space is both a field of action and a basis foraction.

Other anthropological effortsstarted with Bourdieu (1977) and focused on how meaning and action interact ininterdependent ways to inculcate and reinforce cultural knowledge and behavior.Bourdieus theory of practice provides the point of departure for HenriettaMoore (1986) who concurs that space only acquires meaning when actors invokeit. She argues that spaces are subject to multiple interpretations, such thatEndo men and women may share the same conceptual structure but enter into it indifferent positions and therefore subject it to different interpretations(Moore 1986: 163). Margaret Rodman (1992) and Miles Richardson (1982), on theother hand, relied on Merleau-Pontys theories of phenomenology and lived spaceto focus attention on how different actors construct, contest, and ground their personalexperience. Alberto Corsín Jiménez (2003) goes even further and insists thatspace is no longer a category of fixed and ontological attributes, but abecoming, an emergent property of social relationship. Put somewhatdifferently, social relationships are inherently spatial, and space aninstrument and dimension of spaces sociality (2003: 140).

Contested Urban Space

Ethnographic approaches to urbanspace are an important strategy for studying contestation and resistance in thecity. When the appropriation of land for urban redevelopment threatens to limitaccess to or exclude certain groups from using public spaces, these plans maybe contested by local segments of the population whose identity is variouslybound to the site (Cooper 1994).

Racialized Space

The processes of racializationhave been studied primarily in US and South African cites, focused on differentaspects of racism and racial segregation In the United States, the displacementof Blacks through redlining and other real estate activities, analyses ofgentrification in African American neighborhoods, and studies of housingabandonment by the city and federal government provide ethnographicexplanations of American residential apartheid (Gregory 1998).

Landscapes of Fear:

Landscapes of fear have become acentral focus in the spatialities research within urban anthropology, producingconsiderable debate about the nature of the fear and how it is produced. Forexample, Washington, DCs and New York Citys emerging landscapes of fear arebeing produced by new defensive spatial designs, the erosion of public spacethrough privatization and securitization, and memorials that constitute andreinforce affective responses to the built environment. Hoffman goes so far asto suggest that post-colonial African cities such as Freetown or Monrovia areorganized according to a logic of barracks creating spaces of theorganization and deployment of violent labor. For example, Bourgois (1995)describes the fear and sense of vulnerability experienced by El Barrioresidents and by anthropologists faced with the everyday violence of those whosell crack in East Harlem, New York City.

Global, Transnational and Translocal Spaces

Within urban anthropology,transnational processes are defined by Ulf Hannerz (1992) based on culturalflows organized by nations, markets, and movements. He criticizes world-systemsanalyses as being too simplified to reflect the complexity and fluidity of thecreolization of postcolonial culture. From this perspective, global space isconceived of as the flow of goods, people, and services as well as capital,technology, and ideas across national borders and geographic regions,resulting in the deterritorialization of space; that is space detached fromlocal places. Within anthropology, the term transnational, was first used todescribe the way that immigrants live their lives across borders and maintaintheir ties to home, even when their countries of origin and settlement aregeographically distant (Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton 1992: ix). Part ofthis effort was to understand the implications of a multiplicity of socialrelations and involvements that span borders. Eric Wolf (1982) laid thetheoretical groundwork in his landmark history of how the movement of capitaland labor has transformed global relations since the 1400s, dispelling the myththat globalization is a recent phenomenon. However, while Wolfs approach tothe issue of global connections is seminal, it deals primarily with issues ofpower and its allocation, and only indirectly with the spaces of daily life. Itis much later, through the detailed ethnographies of the rhythms of daily lifein transnational migrant communities, that a sense of transnational urban spaceemerges.

Translocal spaces are also produced byother forms of cultural deterritorialization such as travel, tourism, andreligious diaspora. Marc Augé (1995) considers the airport a non-place, a spaceof supermodernity, where customers,passengers, and other users are identified by names, occupation, place ofbirth, and address, but only upon entering and leaving. Airports along withsuperstores and railways stations are non-places that do not contain anyorganic society (1995: 112); social relations are suspended and this non-placebecomes a site of coming and going. Studies of migration and translocalityemphasize the role of diaspora communities within the new geography ofglobalization. The technologies of time space compression such as the use ofinternational cellphones, the internet, and bargain airfares enable diasporacommunities to survive, even at the margins of the global economy. The power ofthe internet to mediate transnational urbanism is a key element in thecontinuity of culture and social relationships between less developed parts ofAfrica, Asia, and Latin America, with developed regions of North America andAsia, but also between the metropole and the periphery. Secondary and mid-sizecities are becoming more important asurban processes are seen as spaces of flows of information, labor, and capital.It is in these studies that urban anthropology returns to some of its earliest concernswith the urban to rural and migration circuits, but now drawing upon a newarsenal of theory and bolstered by a critical perspective based on politicaleconomic analysis and a spatialities framework as well as ethnographic sophistication.



Zoom class lecture on Spatial turn in urban anthropology (bilingual, meant for my students)

Part I: https://youtu.be/1fnSMZtumtk

Part II: https://youtu.be/2P5K_5rkT7o


No comments: Monday, 17 May 2021 Urbanisation

Studies of urbanisation deal with city wardmovement and modes of settlement; those of the 1950s-1970s urban anthropologyheydays concerned Third World peasants in cities, the adaptive functions ofkinship and voluntary associations, and the persistence and creation of ethnicidentities and political organization.

In anthropology thestudy of the process of Urbanisation started with a debate on weather rural andurban are two distinctively identifiable and isolated poles or not. The longhistory of ethnographic research especially because of the dominant paradigm offunctionalism, scholars have been of the perception that villages were selfsufficient units that doesnt really have a strong connection with the urbancentres. This very notion began to change with the Robert Redfield whodeveloped a model of connection between the rural and urban poles, which isknown as the folk-urban continuum. Hetried to classify different types of community and historic process, which heillustrated with examples from the Yucatan peninsula of Mexico (Redfield 1941).At one end of the continuum was the "modern" city of Merida, while atthe other was a small, "traditional" indigenous village. These twocommunities represented the most and the least developed types. In comparingthem Redfield examined their respective technology, social organization, andworldview (Miner 1952). Thus Merida was a modern city populated with manyindividuals who participated in national and international affairs, wererelatively free to make social and economic decisions, and had modernworldviews. In contrast the "Indians" of the village lived fromforaging (see foragers) and swidden agriculture. They had a prescientificworldview and unlike the individual freedom and modernity of the urbanites,they were tightly incorporated into familial and community social relationshipsthat restricted personal freedom. Intermediate between these polar extremesRedfield identified two other communities: a commercial rural "town"with close ties to the city, and the peasant community of Chan Kom, which had amix of "traditional" and "modern" features but more closelyresembled the village. Redfield saw historical change as occurring by the diffusionof modern technology, social forms, and ideas outward from the city toward thefolk end of the continuum in a gradual process of modernization.

Robert Redfield lateron collaborated with Milton Singer to study the process of urbanisation. Withtheir intensive studies they argued that city isthe center of change and that this susccptibility to change is reflected in twotypes of cities a) orthogenetic and b) heterogenetic. Recognizing the classicdistinction between the preindustrial and post-industrial cities, theyclassified all postindustrial cities as heterogenetic. The orthogenetic city isone which is the center of native bureaucratic functions. Its population is relativelvhomogeneous in culture of origin. These centers became the centers of a) Primary urbanization. The trend ofprimary urbanisation is to coordinate political economic, educational,intellectual and aesthetic activities to the norms provided by Great Tradition.In this process of urbanization the cultural role of the city is to maintain andcontinuously reintegrate the Great Tradition by injecting elements of LittleTradition through interaction of the city and peasantry. Redfield and Singerstate that this form of the city is basically conservative. Although somechange does take place as city and countryside interact with each other. Theysuggest that there is continuity between aspects of the Great Tradition at differentpoints in time. Examples of this form of urbanization include Benares in Indiaand Peking (Peiping) in China.

While orthogenetic cities formed by primary urbanizationare preindustrial, heterogenetic cities include one elements of preindustrialcity and postindustrial types. Heterogenetic cities include people of differentcultural origins as well as from places outside the local social worlds. In such cities these outside influences are frombeyond the political boundaries of the state itself; in other cases, they are frombeyond the immediate hinterland. The main function of such cities as a placefor the exchange of goods and services require standardized value. As a place thedivergent cosmologies and lifestyle are juxtaposed, the city becomes a narratoror sources of new ideas. If we refer back to the distinction previously made betweengreat and Little tradition. A heterogenetic city of the preindustrial type is onein which a variety of Great Traditions interact with one another. Shifting ourattention to the postindustrial heterogenetic city, we discover two types: thenew administrative city and the financial city. The process of secondaryurbanisation works in the industrial phase of the city, and is characterised byheterogenetic development. Thus, the effects of secondary urbanisation arethose of disintegration. They opine that: the general consequence of secondaryurbanisation is the weakening of suppression of the local and traditionalcultures by states of mind that are incongruent with those local cultures. Thefirst type carries forward the regional tradition, and the city becomes itsepi-centre, the second type bring external elements to the city.

[Youtube link to the class lecture: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E2uWn-Qr0oc]


No comments: Urban Ecology

Urban Ecology

Urbanecology, pioneered by Chicago sociologists in the 1920s, was central to thedevelopment of human ecology. Indeed the two terms are often usedinterchangeably. Urban ecology appliesprinciples derived from biological science to the explanation of spatialdistribution in urban populations. This is said to result from bioticcompetition for territorial advantage by human groups, each constituted bysocial basis, for example, common class position or ethnicity. It was anapproach to the study of cities, social change, and urban life, these theorieswere introduced into sociology by the Chicago School to explain the competitionbetween social groups for scarce resources such as land. The competitionbetween groups was assumed to increase efficiency and promote a greaterdivision of labor. These competitive struggles meant that distinctive social groupshad adapted to their local environment, just as the competition between plantsand their adaptation to the local environment in the natural world resulted inspecialization. The balance between competition and co-operation functions toallocate members of a population to urban niches. The city, like the economy,was seen to produce a social equilibrium. According to the theory, groupsoccupy distinctive natural areas or neighbourhoods. The concentric zone modelproposed by Ernest Burgess is an ecological representation of this urbansystem. The ecological concepts of invasion, domination, and successiondescribe the stages of change occurring as groups relocate due to competitivepressures. However, unrestrained biotic competition makes social orderimpossible, so a second level of social organization (culture) overlays andlimits territorial competition. This involves communication, consensus, andco-operation, seen in both the natural areas occupied by socially homogeneousgroups, and in city-wide mechanisms of integration, such as mass culture, themedia, and urban politics. This competitive process was also described in termsof the concentric zone theory in which the central zone of the city is occupiedby banks and the service sector, while the zone of transition emerges as thecentral business district expands outwards. Social classes are distributedthrough various zones according to rental values, house prices, and theaccessibility of work. The manual workers live in the third zone and the fourthzone houses the middle class. The fringe of the city is a commuter belt. Thistheory helps us to understand how migrants move into run-down areas of the citywhere rental costs are low and, as a result of social mobility, they can moveeventually to better-quality housing as they join the middle class. The urbanecology school embraced a number of prominent American sociologists, including Robert Ezra Park, Ernest W. Burgess,and Roderick D. McKenzie who published The City (1925). It is not clear thatthere is a systematic theory of the urban ecology; there appears to be rather acollection of assumptions about how cities develop over time. Another member ofthe Chicago School, Louis Wirth, following the approach of Georg Simmel, wrotehis famous Urbanism as a Way of Life (1938, American Journal of Sociology) inwhich he described the anomie and anonymity of city life.

Urbanecology has been criticized because its assumptions are too simple to explainthe variations between cities, but its basic notions (about the centralbusiness district, transition zones, and the urban distribution of socialclasses) continue to influence the work of modern sociology. Few sociologistsnow accept the biologically derived assumptions underlying urban ecology.However, the urban ecologists' use of Chicago as a research laboratorycontributed greatly to the development of empirically grounded sociology andits research methods, influencing directly the development of urban sociology,community studies, cultural sociology, the study of deviance and illness,social and religious movements, the family and race relations, and ruralsociology. The recollections by Helen MacGill Hughes of her training in Chicagoshed an interesting light on the (at times naïve) methodology of urban ecology.

Youtube class lecture https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jlnEgCSEYkcab_channel=AnthropologyforBeginners


No comments: Older PostsHomeSubscribe to:Posts (Atom)Total page viewsTranslatePagesTheoriesDEVELOPMENT RELATEDConceptsSearch This BlogBlog Archive 2021(7) September(1)Application of Archaeological Anthropology and Cul... July(1) June(1) May(2) April(1) January(1) 2020(4) September(1) August(2) February(1) 2019(1) July(1) 2018(15) October(4) September(5) August(2) July(4) 2017(5) August(4) July(1) 2014(6) November(5) May(1) 2013(3) November(1) July(1) June(1) 2012(5) November(1) August(1) June(1) May(1) February(1) 2011(13) December(1) November(2) October(1) September(4) August(1) February(2) January(2) 2010(11) September(1) June(6) April(1) March(3)Its KaleidoscopeSuman NathA cotraveler who seats endlessly on a chair that we tend to call world and moves through wonder places. Try not to move from the chair, transcending time. Try to unearth silences and capture through multiple lenses. Behind the corner of my eyes there are things I can not see... things I do not understand...So here I am with words to share and become a cotraveler from my being. Yes, so many things to express but not genuinely gifted with skills.View my complete profileMY OTHER STUFFSMy random thoughts
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